• 🏺 Palaces, Pots and Porcelain⠀
⠀
Xin Chào! 🇻🇳 It’s a very Vietnam-heavy week in Southeast Asian archaeology: imperial palaces, ceremonial architecture, ancient brick tombs, early tile kilns, Cham heritage and the return of a Đông Sơn bronze drum.⠀
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🔬 New research from Malaysia finds molecular evidence for dairy processing around 3,000 years ago.⠀
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🏺 And in the Philippines, some very unusual earthenware decorated with fragments of Chinese porcelain tells a story about Manila, material culture and the early colonial encounter.⠀
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There’s plenty more from around Southeast Asia in this week’s newsletter.⠀
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Palaces, Pots and Porcelain — read via the link in bio.⠀
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#Archaeology #SoutheastAsianArchaeology #VietnamArchaeology #MalaysiaArchaeology #PhilippineArchaeology
  • A 4.38-metre-long wooden rudder from the west coast of Sumatra is providing a rare glimpse of Southeast Asian seafaring around 1,300 years ago.

The rudder was recovered at the Bongal Site in Central Tapanuli, North Sumatra. Today the site lies inland, but geomorphological research suggests that in the 7th–8th centuries CE it was part of a shallow bay or estuarine environment.

The quarter rudder was carved from a single log and measures 4.38 metres long. Radiocarbon dating of the wood produced a calibrated date of 656–687 CE, making it the earliest securely dated rudder currently known from Southeast Asia.

Researchers also documented hull planks with raised wooden lugs, dowels and surviving palm-fibre ropes. These suggest that parts of these boats were pegged and tied together—a construction method archaeologists call the Southeast Asian lashed-lug tradition. Differences between the surviving planks even suggest that several vessels may have been present. 

Bongal also produced ceramics, glass, beads and coins pointing to connections with much wider exchange networks. The researchers do not argue that the Bongal boats themselves were making long-distance voyages across the Indian Ocean, but propose that locally constructed vessels formed part of a regional maritime network, moving through rivers and along Sumatra’s coast and connecting communities there to broader systems of exchange.

Reference
Mochtar et al. 2026. “Lashed-Lug Boats from the Bongal Site: New Evidence for Early Maritime Networks on the West Coast of Sumatra.” International Journal of Nautical Archaeology.
10.1080/10572414.2026.2714901

#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Indonesia #Sumatra #MaritimeArchaeology #NauticalArchaeology
  • Betel, Boats and Border Stones is this week’s Southeast Asian Archaeology Newsletter.⠀
⠀
This issue starts with a fascinating new paper on ancient teeth from South Sulawesi, where unusual dental wear may point to the habitual sucking of whole areca nuts by pre-agricultural foragers.⠀
⠀
Then we move from teeth to timbers: lashed-lug boat remains from Bongal on Sumatra’s west coast, including a 7th-century quarter rudder, add new detail to Southeast Asia’s early maritime networks.⠀
⠀
And yes, there are more boats: Phanom Surin in Thailand and the Butuan boat sites in the Philippines both make appearances this week.⠀
⠀
Plus: Preah Vihear, Koh Ker, Prambanan, Đông Sơn drums, repatriation, digital heritage, and more.⠀
⠀
Read the full issue at the link in bio.⠀
⠀
#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Archaeology #MaritimeArchaeology
  • People in Sulawesi may have been habitually using a neuroactive plant as far back as 25,000–16,000 years ago.

A new study in Science Advances examines two preagricultural foragers from South Sulawesi, Indonesia, separated by thousands of years but sharing an unusual dental pattern: deep, rounded, circumferential wear that does not match ordinary chewing. The researchers argue that the wear formed through repeatedly holding, sucking or gently gnawing a small, hard object in different parts of the mouth. 

Using LC-MS, the team detected arecoline—a characteristic alkaloid of areca, or “betel”, nut—in dental samples from both individuals. One came from Leang Bulu Bettue and dates to 25–16 ka; the other, from Leang Cappalombo 1, is associated with deposits dating to around 7.6–6.3 ka. 

This was probably not betel chewing in the form familiar today. Modern betel quid typically combines processed areca nut with slaked lime and other ingredients. To test whether a simpler practice was plausible, the researchers soaked intact areca nuts and applied the resulting solutions to cells expressing human receptors. The experiments showed that intact nuts could release physiologically active arecoline without slaked lime. Combined with the dental wear, chemical residues and experiments support the authors’ interpretation that these foragers habitually sucked whole areca nuts.

For now, the sample is just two individuals, and psuggestions that the nuts were used for stimulation, pain relief or medicinal purposes remain hypotheses. What the study does show is that habitual neuroactive plant use may reach far deeper into the hunter-gatherer past than the archaeological record had previously demonstrated. 

Reference
Brumm et al. 2026. “Betel nut sucking is the earliest recorded evidence for the habitual use of a neuroactive plant drug.” Science Advances.
10.1126/sciadv.aei1901

#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Sulawesi #IndonesiaArchaeology #Prehistory #BetelNut
  • Twenty-two small beads can preserve the traces of a much larger world of movement and exchange.

A new archaeometric study examines beads excavated in 2023 at Khok Phithak, within the ancient city of Khu Bua in Ratchaburi, central Thailand. Khu Bua was an important urban centre associated with the Dvaravatī cultural sphere, enclosed by earthen ramparts and moats and situated within the Mae Klong river system. 

The researchers analysed 21 glass beads and one chalcedony/agate bead, combining microscopic observations with VP-SEM-EDS, LA-ICP-MS and micro-Raman spectroscopy. Manufacturing traces—including axial colour streaks and elongated bubbles—indicate that most of the glass beads were made by drawing glass into tubes or canes before cutting them into individual beads. 

Their chemistry indicates that nineteen beads belong to the m-Na-Al-1 glass subgroup, consistent with glassmaking traditions documented in South Asia, particularly the wider technological sphere of southern India and Sri Lanka. Together with their manufacturing technique, the authors associate these beads with the large-scale Indo-Pacific beadmaking tradition. 

However, one blue bead, B014, is made from plant-ash soda–lime glass with a broad western Asian affinity—although the study cannot identify a specific production centre. Another remarkable bead, B007, appears to have been wound from recycled iron-smelting slag, suggesting an entirely different production history.

Rather than evidence for primary glassmaking at Khu Bua itself, the authors interpret the assemblage as reflecting an inland centre of consumption and possibly redistribution, connected through maritime and riverine networks to much wider systems of Indian Ocean exchange. 

Reference
Risteka et al. 2026. “Production Technology and Provenance of Dvaravatī Glass Beads from Khu Bua, Central Thailand: An Archaeometric Study.” Heritage 9, 347.
10.3390/heritage9090347

#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #ThailandArchaeology #Dvaravati #KhuBua #ancienttrade
  • Small finds, big stories this week.⠀
⠀
The latest Southeast Asian Archaeology newsletter focuses on Thailand, with newly reported rock art, worrying news of looting, and two new papers showing what archaeological science can reveal from humble materials.⠀
⠀
One study looks at prehistoric pottery from Don Up Mung in Nong Bua Lamphu, tracing differences in clay composition, firing and production choices. Another follows glass beads from Khu Bua in Ratchaburi into the wider world of South Asian glassmaking and Indian Ocean exchange.⠀
⠀
Also: a LOT of opportunities this week — jobs, scholarships, courses and calls for papers.⠀
⠀
Link in bio⠀
⠀
#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Archaeology #CulturalHeritage #ArchaeologicalScience
  • Can inscriptions help reconstruct how a kingdom expanded across a landscape?

King Citrasena (Chitrasen, later known as Mahendravarman) ruled Chenla in the late 6th to early 7th centuries, during a period when Chenla’s influence was extending across parts of what are now Cambodia, Laos and northeastern Thailand. His reign is known partly through inscriptions recording religious foundations, royal achievements and other acts of authority. 

Pailoplee and Khatshima map 21 inscriptions from at least 19 locations associated with Citrasena, and asked if people were moving between these places, which routes would they have taken? To explore this, they use Least Cost Path (LCP) modelling in a GIS. LCP calculates routes that minimise the “cost” of movement across terrain.

In archaeology, this can help identify plausible corridors shaped by features such as slopes, river valleys and mountain barriers. These models show how movement could have been structured by the landscape under the assumptions of the model.

Across several scenarios, the reconstructed paths repeatedly concentrate around major river systems—especially the Mun River—and particular passes through the Phnom Dong Rek (Dangrek) mountain range. The authors also compare the modelled network with archaeological sites attributed to Citrasena’s period, many of which fall along these reconstructed corridors.

Where river navigation would have been difficult (such as the Khone Phapheng Falls), the authors propose that Citrasena’s forces may instead have moved overland along riverbanks, using waterways as natural guides through the landscape.

The placement of several inscriptions near river confluences also suggests that these locations may have been important for controlling movement, communication and exchange, not simply access to water.

Reference
Pailoplee, S. & Khatshima, K. 2026. “The role of King Chitrasen (Mahendravarman) in the expansion of the Chenla Kingdom: A study of inscriptions and historical geography.” Social Sciences & Humanities Open 14, 103503.
10.1016/j.ssaho.2026.103503

#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Cambodia #Thailand #Laos #Chenla
  • Sometimes the biggest archaeological questions depend on evidence we cannot see during excavation.

Microarchaeology investigates archaeological deposits at microscopic and microstratigraphic scales. In Southeast Asia, this can be especially valuable because monsoonal wetness, tropical weathering, intensive land use and complex depositional histories can affect how archaeological evidence survives. 

Researchers can examine the surrounding sediment for traces of past activity and later disturbance. Methods discussed in this new paper include sediment micromorphology, laboratory micro-excavation, high-resolution imaging, FTIR microscopy and SEM-EDS. Depending on the context, microscopic evidence can help identify burning, trampling, plant processing, sediment movement and environmental change. 

The importance of that context is illustrated by work in northern Laos. At Tam Ngu Hao 2, microstratigraphy was used alongside lithological observations and dating to establish the stratigraphic context of Denisovan fossil evidence. At Tam Pà Ling, it has shown potential for investigating environmental seasonality and possible patterns of early modern human presence. These methods help archaeologists understand what happened to a deposit before drawing conclusions from what it contains.
 
The paper also introduces the Australian Microarchaeology and Palaeosciences Facility (AusMAP) and argues for greater collaboration, training and locally based microarchaeological expertise across Southeast Asia. 

Reference:
Hernandez et al. 2026. Scaling down to look further back: Southeast Asia, deep-time science and microarchaeology. SPAFA Journal 10.
10.26721/spafajournal.651369a4y8 

#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Archaeology #Microarchaeology #Geoarchaeology #ArchaeologicalScience
  • This week on Southeast Asian Archaeology: claims, contexts and careful reading.⠀
⠀
With Malaysia’s National Day, Vietnam’s National Day, Timor-Leste’s Popular Consultation Day, and International Literacy Day all close together, I’m thinking about literacy not just as reading words, but reading evidence: museum labels, old spellings, dates, maps, artefacts, archives, and the occasional viral post with a raised eyebrow.⠀
⠀
The catalyst this week is the recent controversy over historical claims in Malaysia, alongside a timely RSIS piece on how historians, archaeologists, archivists, librarians and curators can help push back against disinformation. Not by attacking people, but by helping everyone ask better questions of the past.⠀
⠀
Also in this week’s issue: Penang’s historical Malay spellings, Cambodia’s new artefact database grant, Singapore’s revised History Gallery, UNESCO’s maritime museum project, new research on Sundadonty, Roti Island, Chenla inscriptions, ancient Myanmar, and more.⠀
⠀
Link in bio.⠀
⠀
#SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Archaeology #Heritage #InformationLiteracy
  • How old are the rock paintings of Mainland Southeast Asia? 🎨🪨

A new study from Mangguan in Yunnan, southwestern China, provides another important piece of the puzzle.

Using uranium-thorium dating, researchers analysed tiny calcite deposits that had formed over the paintings. Because the calcite must be younger than the pigment underneath, the dates provide a minimum age for the art. One deposit covering a human figure shows that the painting was already there at least 4,220 years ago.

Mangguan is particularly interesting because it lies only about 15 km from the better-known Cangyuan rock art complex. The two have stylistic similarities and overlapping dates, suggesting they formed part of a broader regional rock art tradition, a comparison can be taken farther south.

The rock paintings at Pha Taem in Luang Prabang, Laos, have previously been compared with Cangyuan, raising intriguing questions about relationships between the rock art traditions of southwestern China and Mainland Southeast Asia.

Most rock art in Mainland Southeast Asia remains poorly dated, so dates like those from Mangguan give us increasingly useful chronological anchors for thinking about these connections.

References:
Wu, Y. et al. 2026. U-Th dating of rock paintings in southwestern China: minimum age of ~4.2 ka BP at the Mangguan site. Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 74, 105987. DOI: 10.1016/j.jasrep.2026.105987.

Bo, X. 2020. On the relationship between the Cangyuan rock art in Yunnan, China, and the Pha Taem rock art in Laos. Rock Art Research 37(2).

Tan, N.H. 2018. The Cliff Paintings of Pha Taem, Luang Prabang, Lao PDR. Rock Art Research 35(1).

#RockArt #SoutheastAsianArchaeology #Yunnan #China
Thursday, September 24, 2026
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Srivijaya: A primer – Part 2

11 June 2007
in Indonesia, Malaysia
Tags: Bujang ValleyChola (kingdom)Kedah (state)Malay Annals / Sulalatus Salatin (literary work)Malay Peninsula (region)Palembang (city)Srivijaya (kingdom)Tamil (people)Temasek (toponym)
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In the first part of Srivijaya: A primer, we learnt about the empire’s role in controlling trade between China and India and as a Buddhist centre of learning. In this segment we learn about the fall of this once-great maritime kingdom.

In the 11th century, the south Indian Tamil kingdom of Chola launched an attack on Srivijaya, systematically plundering the Srivijayan ports along the Straits of Malacca, and even captured the Srivijayan king in Palembang. The reasons for this change in relations between Srivijaya and the Cholas are unknown, although it is theorised that plunder made up an essential part of the Chola political economy. While it seemed that the Cholas only intended to plunder Srivijaya, they left a lasting presence on Kataha, the remains of which are still visible at the Bujang Valley archaeological museum.

The successful sack and plunder of Srivijaya had left it in a severely weakened state that marked the beginning of the end of Srivijaya. Having lost its wealth and prestige from the Chola attack, the port cities of the region started to initiate direct trade with China, shrugging off the exclusive influence Srivijaya once held over them. Towards the end of Srivijaya’s influence, the power centre of Srivijaya began to oscillate between Palembang and neighbouring Jambi, further fragmenting the once-great empire. Other factors included Javanese invasion westwards toward Sumatra in 1275, invading the Malayu kingdoms. Later towards the end of the 13th century, the Thai polities from the north came down the peninsula and conquered the last of the Srivijayan vassals.

Despite its influence and reach, Srivijaya flew very quickly into obscurity, and it was not until the last 90 years that the kingdom’s history was rediscovered, mainly through epigraphical sources. Palembang, determined as the centre of power for Srivijaya poses a special problem for archaeologists, for if the modern settlement followed the ancient settlement pattern, ancient Palembang would have been built over shallow water and any archaeological remains would be buried deep in the mud. As the 19th-century naturalist Alfred Wallace described it, Palembang is a populous city several miles long but only one house wide!

By way of a quick epilogue, the story of Srivijaya ends where the story of the Malacca Sultanate begins. The Sejarah Melayu, or Malay Annals, begins with a story about Raja Chulan – perhaps an allusion to the king (Raja) of the Cholas, whose sack of Srivijaya led to its ultimate downfall. The annals go on to relate the appearance of three princes at Bukit Seguntang in Palembang, one of whom eventually founds a city of Singapura in Temasek before establishing Malacca further north…

Books about Srivijaya (and also the books I referred to):
– Southeast Asia: From Prehistory to History by P. S. Bellwood and I. Glover (Eds) contains chapters on the classical cultures of Indonesia and the archaeology of the early maritime polities of Southeast Asia.
– Early Kingdoms of the Indonesian Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula by P. M. Munoz
– Early History (The Encyclopedia of Malaysia) by Nik Hassan Shuhaimi Nik Abdul Rahman (Ed) has several chapters on Srivijaya.
– Sriwijaya: History, religion & language of an early Malay polity by G. Coedès and L. Damais

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Comments 6

  1. Jiwa Matahari says:
    19 years ago

    There were three princes? I only knew Sang Nila Buana as the one who gave the name Singapore to the simple island of Temasek…

  2. noelbynature says:
    19 years ago

    Yes, according to the Malay Annals, there were three – Sang Utama was the youngest. The eldest, Sang Suparba was made raja of Minangkabau while the second Sang Maniaka was raja of Tanjong Pura (somewhere in Borneo, i believe)

    You can read more at http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_93_2005-01-26.html

  3. ell says:
    18 years ago

    there’s only one prince left after all srivijaya kingdom fall, the name is PARAMESWARA, true according to the Malay Annals was knew “Sang Nila Utama” but about “sang suparba and sang maniaka” it’s only a myth, the myth of two person event more old then srivijaya kingdom.
    the name was not really Sang Suparba but Sang siperba, a demigod which descend in “Bukit Siguntang” and search of the true king for human. that’s a part of the myth in our people.

  4. fairuz says:
    18 years ago

    from what i’ve read and analyzed, Sang Sapurba & Sang Nila Utama were both exist at the same time. They were refered by modern historians as Adityavarman (Sang Sapurba)as the last Sri Vijayan prince who went to the west part of Sumatera to open what now is called Minangkabau land (Kerajaan Pagaruyung) and Sang Nila Utama, the younger one, is called as Parameswara, with the remaining Sri Vijayans noblemen, records-keepers, knights and guards set sailed to the east where they roamed island to island around Riau archipelago to seek for a new land and finally he stopped at Melaka to rebuild the old kingdom.

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